Memordust
Afrobarometer Round 9 data confirm that women continue to engage at substantially lower rates than men across all indicators included in the survey. And youth (aged 18-35) are less engaged than older generations on all types of political and civic participation…
In Afrobarometer Round 9 findings, education does not correlate consistently with an individual’s propensity to engage politically (Figure 19). People with post-secondary education are much more likely to discuss politics (+17 percentage points) than those with no formal schooling. But across several other forms of participation, the most educated take a back seat. They are substantially less likely to vote (-9 points) or be affiliated with a political party (-8 points), to attend community meetings (-15 points), and to contact traditional leaders (-16 points). The more educated are, however, marginally more likely to protest (+4 points), slightly more likely to join with others to raise an issue (+3 points), and about equally likely to contact an MP, local government councillor, or political party official.

An assessment of the effects of economic status4 yields a similar story. The wealthiest and the poorest are about equally likely to vote, protest, discuss politics, and contact an MP (Figure 20). But for all of the other modes of participation, it is those who experience the greatest economic hardship who participate more, often by wide margins. People with high lived poverty are far more likely to attend a community meeting (+24 points) and contact a traditional leader (+21 points), both more traditional forms of engagement. But they are also more likely to identify with a political party (+12 points), to join with others to raise an issue (+13 points), and to contact a local government councillor (+10 points) or a political party official (+6 points).

It appears that needs – for better access to services, for jobs, for economic stability, and for a better quality of life – may be a key motivator for political participation in Africa, even when resources, skills, and opportunities are in short supply.


在非洲晴雨表第九轮调查结果中,教育与个人参与政治的倾向性没有持续的相关性(图19)。受过高等教育的人比没有受过正规教育的人更有可能讨论政治(高出17个百分点)。但在其他几种参与形式中,受教育程度最高的人却退居次席。他们投票的可能性大大降低(-9个百分点),与政党结盟的可能性也大大降低(-8个百分点),参加社区会议的可能性降低(-15个百分点),联系传统领导人的可能性降低(-16个百分点)。然而,受教育程度较高的人参与抗议的可能性略高(+4个百分点),与他人一起提出问题的可能性略高(+3个百分点),并且联系议员、地方政府议员或政党官员的可能性大致相同。

对经济状况影响的评估4得出了类似的结果。最富有和最贫困的人在投票、抗议、讨论政治和联系议员方面的可能性大致相同(图20)。但对于所有其他参与模式,经济最困难的人参与更多,而且往往差距很大。生活贫困程度高的人更有可能参加社区会议(+24个百分点)和联系传统领导人(+21个百分点),这两种都是更传统的参与形式。但他们也更有可能认同某个政党(+12个百分点),与他人一起提出问题(+13个百分点),并联系地方政府议员(+10个百分点)或政党官员(+6个百分点)。

由此观之,对更好服务、就业、经济稳定和更高生活质量的需求,可能是非洲政治参与的关键动力,即使资源、技能和机会都很匮乏。
 
 
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